What are some Oscar-worthy Korean dramas
Hallyu and the Globalization of K-Pop (Part 1)
New text series on K-dramas
Korean popular culture is no longer just a weakness of individual fan communities in Europe. Netflix series like “Crash Landing on You” (in which a South Korean woman gets caught in a tornado and accidentally lands in North Korea) are also enjoying increasing popularity in Europe and America. The South Korean film "Parasite" won more than 200 film and festival awards worldwide - including the Palme d'Or at the Cannes Film Festival for Best Picture - and was nominated for six Academy Awards. K-Beauty and the associated ideals of beauty - for all genders - permeate the industry in this country too. K-Pop Stars cooperate with all the big fashion houses - Exo member Kai recently designed a cute capsule collection for Gucci. Fermented food has also crept from the Korean food culture, which is mainly known for kimchi, into Germany's organic supermarkets. In just 30 years, Korea has experienced the industrialization and modernization that Europe had over two centuries to achieve. Meanwhile, Seoul has become a media capital where popular culture is produced for the whole world. For us popular culture researchers: inside, that means, in turn, that we finally have to turn our gaze once and for all: from west to east.
Topics of the text series around K-Dramas will be: Hallyu, K-Drama as a genre, "Softening Masculinity" (e.g. in "Record of Youth"), Aegyo, technical fictions (e.g. in "Lovealarm", "My Holo Love", " I'm not a Robot ”), class conflicts and motives for revenge (eg in“ Parasite ”,“ Iteawon Class ”,“ Pinocchio ”), love in K-romance drama, K-drama fan culture (especially foodtainment) and orientalism in the K-drama reception.
Hallyu and the globalization of K-Pop
“Dancing like Kim Jong-Il” (1) was the title of an article in the Berliner Zeitung about the key moment in the global popularization of K-Pop in 2012. You cannot avoid talking about Hallyu, the so-called Korean wave (the global spread of the Korean Popular culture and media (2)) without mentioning Park Jae Sang, who became a viral and global internet hit in a few days under his stage name Psy and with his music video for "Gangnam Style" on YouTube. Countless users and celebrities re-enacted the "horse dance" - a choreography that from today's perspective was made for TikTok - including artists like Ai Weiwei, who originally created the parody of South Korea's nouveau riche and powerful reinterpreted a criticism of the Chinese power apparatus. (3) Even Barack Obama is said to have uttered: (Yes,) "I Think I Can Do 'Gangnam Style". (4)
Psy has been an integral part of the Korean music industry since his debut single "Bird" (Sae) was released in 2001, and "Gangnam Style" was originally produced for the Korean market. The fact that he happened to become a surprising global sensation through social media was the trigger and thus an integral part of all journalistic stories about the K-Pop star, about the now major US media such as Time Magazine, CNN, the Wall Street Journal and The Atlantic reported. (5)
Although the Korean pop music industry tried with great financial commitment since 2008 to gain access to the US music market, the desired success was largely not achieved for a long time. (6) There was, for example, BoA, which was very successful in Korea, but also in Japan celebrated and made her debut in the USA in 2008 with the song "Eat You Up". The single flopped just like that of Se7en, the "King of K-Pop" in Korea, who tried his luck on the US market in 2009, even with an English-language title and together with Lil Kim. After "record low" sales of his single "Girls" he returned to Korea. (7)
In view of the currently successful K-Pop stars, who are characterized by their very own aesthetic, the assumption arises that the failures could have been due to overfitting. BoA, for example, seems to be visibly oriented towards stars like Jennifer Lopez or Shakira. Kyung Hyun Kim pointed out very aptly that "the tendency and thinking so far seems to have been that you have to erase Korean identity somehow to achieve success in the US or overseas but I think that's been proven wrong with Psy's success." (8) Ironically, Psy was never promoted as an export item by Korean entertainment agencies. (9)
In addition, of course, the western audience was simply not yet familiar with Korean stars: “It is still very rare to experience Korean popular culture on an everyday basis in any single city outside Asia,” wrote the cultural scientist and author Sun Jung in the year 2011. (10)
Even the remote comparison to Kim Jong-Il in the Berliner Zeitung reminds us today of how unknown Korean culture was in the West as a whole and, accordingly, also in Germany at the beginning of the 2010s, how helpless the coverage of a Korean pop star, who in short with the apparently the only known person from Korea - the North Korean dictator Kim Jong-Il - was associated and connected. However, there can be no question of that today. Even before Psy's global success, a growing K-Pop fan community had emerged in social networks, which also began to protest against the unavailability of K-Pop in Europe. On April 26, 2011, when a concert with five Korean idol groups from the S.M. Entertainment was sold out after just 15 minutes, K-pop fans from all over Europe gathered for a dance flash mob in front of no smaller building than the Louvre to demand more tickets and seats. S.M. reacts in a hurry. Entertainment with two more concerts to meet the increasing demand from fans. (11)
The picture of K-Pop fans in front of the Louvre also describes very well the deep gulf that has existed for a long time and basically to this day between the (fan) communities in social media on the one hand and the established music industry on the other. In 2011, S.M. Entertainment received more than 502 million viewers for music video views, but despite their enormous popularity on social networks, the channel's bands failed to generate enough hype to penetrate the US pop market (12) - until Psy again thanks to the dynamism The same hype succeeded on the platforms of social media and with it Hallyu, the Korean wave that had already started mainly through K-dramas, transported to the West. (13)
As little as the mainstream culture outside of East Asia seems to have been shaped by Korean productions, the online fan clubs of the Hallyu and K-Pop fandom are just as powerful - above all Soompi and allkpop, multimedia online fan sites that promote a "super-national fandom" (14) Provide tons of information, gossip, reviews, rumors, comments, and videos. They run their own newsrooms, galleries, forums, shops and even music charts. (15)
Academic research on Hallyu began in response to the growing reception of Korean television dramas, films, and K-pop, first in Asia, then later in Europe and North America. The first to identify Hallyu as an academic topic were mostly academics from Asia; (16) Hong Kong University Press in particular published a whole series of anthologies and monographs on the topic. (17) Finally, it was in Australia in 2010 edited the anthology "Complicated Currents: Media Flows, Soft Powers and East Asia" based on an international conference at Monash University, (18) in which the transnational production and consumption of media products from East Asia was examined. Also worth mentioning is Mark James Russell's story of the rapid growth and success of Korean popular culture "Pop Goes Korea: Behind the Revolution in Movies, Music, and Internet Culture" from 2008. Do Kyun Kim and Min-Sun Kim for Seoul National University Press published the English-language book "Hallyu: Influence of Korean Popular Culture in Asia and Beyond" (2011). (19) Finally, in 2015, "Hallyu 2.0: The Korean Wave in the Age of Social Media" by Sangioon Lee and Abi Mark Dornes, the Of particular importance to my text series is that the authors of the anthology are explicitly concerned with how Korean popular culture products, especially K-pop music and K-dramas, are brought into circulation, disseminated and used by audiences around the world be received - namely by using social media networks such as YouTube, Facebook, Twitter and torrent download sites as well as (with increasing importance) web-based video streaming services how Netflix meets new fans, markets and consumers. The anthology published in 2019 by Jae Yoon Park and Ann-Gee Lee, “The Rise of K-Dramas. Essays on Korean Television and Its Global Consumption ”and the dissertation by Min Joo Lee“ Transnational Intimacies: Korean Television Dramas, Romance, Erotics, and Race ”, written in 2020 at the University of California. In addition, reference should be made to the "Systematic Literature Review" by Garima Ganghariya and Rubal Kanozia, who evaluate all scientific articles on Hallyu that were written between 2000 and 2019. (20)
What is Hallyu and how did it come about?
First, K-pop spread to China, Japan, and the rest of East Asia in the late 1990s. The term 'Hallyu' was first coined by the Chinese media in 1998 to give a name to the sudden enthusiasm of Chinese youth for Korean pop products. (21) In the texts of East Asian authors about Hallyu, expressions of astonishment were overwhelmed the increasing popularity of K-Pop: “Back in 1965, the Beatles were named 'members of the most excellent order of the British Empire.' Today, if Korea were to award the equivalent of British knighthood to a Korean celebrity, the first person on the list would be actor-cum-singer Ahn Jae-wook, who may have accomplished something that no politician, businessman nor diplomat could ever do for a nation. Ahn now commands unrivaled popularity in China, having surpassed Leonardo DiCaprio as the most popular celebrity in a recent poll. "(22)
Ahn Jae-wook was the main actor in the K-drama series “Star in My Heart” from 1997, which together with K-dramas such as “What is love” (1991/92) and “Winter Sonata” (2002) often triggered the "Drama madness" and the first Hallyu wave is called.
A distinction is generally made between two Hallyu phases: Hallyu 1.0, which extended from the 1990s to 2007, and Hallyu 2.0 (2007 to today). The second Hallyu wave no longer only includes products from Korean pop culture, but also products such as digital games, cosmetics (klairs, Mizon etc.), plastic surgery etc. (23) Also leading Korean companies (Samsung, Hyundai and LG) and the large market share of Choco Pie in Russia, Nongshim Cup Noodles in China, or NC-SOFT's Guild Wars 2 in the United States is seen as a Hallyu symptom of the second wave. (24)
While Germany was largely unaffected by the first wave and this was limited - if at all - to K-pop music, which was not least due to the seldom availability of Korean dramas (even more rarely: with German subtitles), the second wave is now also here in Germany arrived. Even though there are so far few German-language or German authors: inside debates with K-Pop in general (one notable exception is Elena Beregow's text in “POP. Culture and Criticism” about BTS and Stefan Wellraf's contribution to “Pop-Zeitschrift .de ”about Gangnam Style and that of the magazine“ Kultur Korea ”), not least in the numerous seminar papers and theses written at universities (based on my own experience), there are already signs that this could gradually change. In addition to the increasing availability of K-Pop productions, social media in particular have played a major role in the establishment of German-speaking fan communities, not only because fans can network better, but also because Instagram, Twitter and Co. enables a new kind of proximity to the Korean stars, which can be followed via their 'personal' profiles. This gives fans, for example, a glimpse into the original Korean television and radio programs or magazine editorials, something that was inevitably withheld from them until now.
In the meantime, Hallyu stands for everything that is Korean in this country, from K-pop products such as K-dramas, K-pop music, films (e.g. "Parasite"), to food (kimchi!), Games, animations, etc. (25) K-Beauty has established itself in the West well beyond individual fan communities. For example, their face masks have become indispensable in any drugstore. K-Pop stars have follower numbers in the tens of millions on Instagram - for a country of its size, in which Instagram does not occupy a comparable monopoly position within social media (even if its importance has increased in recent years), (26) these are considerable Numbers that testify to global popularity. Of course, Hallyu only includes those products that are popular with the public outside Korea - regardless of their popularity and reception within their own country.
There are various theories as to how Hallyu became possible, all of which have a certain plausibility. There is no question that the Korean culture industry is based on the enormous economic success that South Korea was able to achieve through its incredibly rapid industrialization. The extent of the socio-economic change that Europe experienced over two centuries and Japan within 60 years took place in Korea within just three decades: the well-received Korean sociologist Chang Kyung-sup defined the post-war development of South Korea as “compressed modernity” in this sense (27) In Korea in particular, Hallyu is therefore seen as a symbol of the Korean “hard power”, whose innovative cultural technology has enabled Korean entrepreneurs and workers to produce professional cultural products. (28) In this regard, Hallyu is not only a cultural, but (and above all?) an economic-industrial phenomenon. Last but not least, the existence of the term itself also makes it manageable and communicable as such.
The fact that Hallyu emerged as a phenomenon in China and especially K-Dramas were so popular there is often explained by its "soft power": namely that they uphold and appreciate the traditional values (loyalty, piety, etc.) that are in western productions hardly play a role. In this respect, K-Pop was also viewed in the East Asian region as a "missionary of East Asian cultural values". (29)
According to Sangjoon Lee, Hallyu was also made possible by a change of perspective in South Korea. Has Asia and the Asian market been neglected for decades since the 1960s due to the almost exclusive orientation towards the west of South Korea ("Asia was just an invisible, dark region for Koreans, because the major target for products has been consumers in developed countries — that is, Western markets. ”(30)), South Korea - like Japan and Taiwan - increasingly turned to the Asian market in the 1990s. As a result of the increasing consumption of East Asian - instead of Western - popular culture, the countries in question have for the first time themselves become the main actors in their cultural activities, notes Kim Bok-rae in his paper “Past, Present and Future of Hallyu (Korean Wave) ":" [I] t is interesting to note that East Asian people, after gaining economic power through 'compressed modernization', are eager to be main agents of their cultural activities in and through the enjoyment of East Asian popular culture in a postmodern era. In this transition from Western-centered into East Asian-based popular culture, they are no longer sub-subjects of modernity. ”(31) Therefore, Kim sees Hallyu as“ a process of 'cultural power reorganization' ”(32) and recognizes it a symptom of the dissolution of the stereotypical division of 'western imperialism' versus 'colonialism' or 'first world' versus 'third world'. (33)
This was reflected in political communication around the turn of the millennium. In 2003, President Roh Moo-hyun's government proclaimed the "Era of Northeast Asia" and stressed that Korea must actively participate in this new era. (34) The Korean film and media industry was also influenced by it. The goal of one of the largest film production companies in Korea - CJ Entertainment - was now to become "Asia's number one total entertainment group". (35)
Finally, the Korean government established the “Korea Foundation for International Cultural Exchange (KOFICE)” to orchestrate all state and private efforts in the creation of Hallyu - with the following justification: “Different countries around the world are cultivating their cultural industries competitively. They are in an intense competition to take cultural industries as the means to revive the nation’s economy and to step onto the global stage. Korea, too, is focusing on the unlimited potential of its cultural industry and has recognized the cultural industry as a new growth engine. ”(36) Through enormous research funding, numerous new grants and the financial support of corresponding research institutes and universities by the Korean The government consistently pursued this goal in the following years. New faculties such as “cultural industries”, “culture and contents”, “cinematic contents”, “digital contents”, and “digital culture and contents” have emerged “Hallyu content”. (37) There is no question that culture is supported by governments in the West too - especially if it is considered worth preserving. From a local point of view, however, comparable support from popular culture seems to be something specifically new.
This development was understandably not free of criticism among Korean authors: The Korean government has become a “promoter of popular culture”, (38) and should therefore be viewed more as a “cultural formation” than a popular “cultural trend” (39) Hallyu is nothing less than a "national campaign", a "corporate-state project [...] helmed by a handful of entrepreneurs, mainstream media, state bureaucrats, and professional consultants, mostly based in Korea." (40)
Further criticism came from culturally pessimistic authors and, at the turn of the millennium, referred to the popular culture products themselves, which many saw as a copy of the products from the American culture industry and were therefore seen merely as further testimony to American cultural imperialism. (41) That However, it has changed a lot in the following years, rather the emergence of cultural dialogues within Asia was recognized beyond South Korea, which was made possible primarily by the fact that it was not about partly controversial traditional cultures, but about capitalist consumerism. Popular culture took place: "What has become more prominent is the emergence of popular Asianism and Asian dialogues whose main feature is not Asian values or traditional culture but capitalist consumer / popular culture." (42) In this way, inter-Asian cultural consumption has become new, cross-border ones Relationships and a mutual according to understanding and self-reflexivity about one's own society and culture. (43)
In East Asian literature on the Korean wave, Hallyu is considered to be the first phenomenon in which global diffusion of popular culture occurs almost entirely through information technology. (44) Indeed, it was the development of social media networks and streaming services that led to global diffusion of Korean Pop culture products made possible. However, transformations go hand in hand with the spread. Against this background, the series of texts should focus on the consequences of global intercultural movements (especially between East and West) through social media - especially using the example of K-dramas, but also in some cases beyond.
Real encounter or mere orientalism?
In his essay 'RIP Gangnam Style', Brian Hu reconstructed the career of Psy's music video in great detail, which not only included its praised reports and reanactments, but also the declarations of death that began just a few months after its publication: “If the early references to the video were a race to see who could mention the video first, the later ones were a race to see who could first declare its time of death ". (45)
Brian Hu describes how it became a collaborative pleasure to lament the omnipresence of the video, which in turn led to the video reaching a billion views by December 21, 2012, making it the most watched video in YouTube history by then became. (46)
However, through the initial praise, the re-enactments and finally the swan songs, the Korean culture specifically themed in the song and music video by Psy made invisible: "Psy's Koreanness and Asianness is discarded, as is his budding celebrity, when the dance is subsumed by established white ( and sometimes black) celebrities and Psy is marginalized from the stage altogether. "(47) In fact," Gangnam Style "is a shrewd and in every respect explicitly Korean production, which parodies the Gangnam district of the same name in Seoul in many facets, which is reflected in the mere affirmation of the Horse dance, however, fell into oblivion. The hope of K-Pop fans as well as those involved in the Korean music industry, who have worked for years to promote and popularize Korean culture internationally, and the great interest in Psy and “Gangnam Style” among Americans could add to this that they finally got the feeling that they had to close their knowledge gaps in the field of Korean pop culture, turned out to be a pipe dream. While K-Pop had gained popularity in niche and fan communities, it was and is in some cases far removed from the mainstream. (48)
Brian Hu also shows to what extent the mimicry of horse dance was a mainstream strategy to emphasize Psy's otherness and to keep him in the "lower strata of celebrity" among other amateurs and memes by declaring him a 'One Hit Wonder' As an example, Hu cites an appearance on the Ellen DeGeneres show, Psys, where he is brought on stage to teach horse dancing to the celebrity presenter and her guest - Britney Spears. It is one of many shows where Psy has been degraded to the mere trainer of the 'real' stars through possible mimicry games. This becomes all the more clear when the three line up - Ellen DeGeneres is already delighted that the lesson is about to begin - and Psy unexpectedly asks the audience: “By the way, can I introduce myself? Not just dancing. "DeGeneres agrees, whereupon Psy looks into the audience and says:" I'm Psy from Korea, how are you? "- According to Hu, an ingenious display of the underlying hierarchy of celebrities. (50)
As much as “Gangnam Style” was imitated worldwide and even partially perceived as a “transcending race” - after all, even the President of the United States claimed he could do it - the more it was leveled into Western culture (or as Hu put it: “ that is, turning white "). (51)
Despite this example, the aim of this text series is to analyze an important genre of K popular culture as precisely as possible - namely selected K dramas from recent years, which are accessible to more people than ever before via streaming platforms such as Netflix and through appropriate subtitles or even synchronization - it will be discussed which impulses from Korean popular culture have meanwhile also become very formative in this country and / or to what extent their reception is again acting as orientalism.
Notes / literature
(1) Youtube hit Psy: Dancing like Kim Jong-Il, in Berliner Zeitung, August 7th, 2012, via: https://www.berliner-zeitung.de/politik-gesellschaft/youtube-hit-psy-tanzen-wie -kim-jong-il-li.34695
(2) "Hallyu is defined as a transnationally expanding current cultural products of / from Korea by and large are fervently sought after." JungBong Choi: Hallyu versus Hallyu-hwa. Cultural Phenomenon versus Institutional Campaign, in: Sangjoon Lee, Abé Markus Nornes (eds.): Hallyu 2.0: The Korean Wave in the Age of Social Media. University of Michigan Press: Ann Arbor 2015. pp. 31-53, here pp. 31/32.
(3) Cf. Stefan Wellgraf: Gangnam Style. The big brother, in: Pop-Zeitschrift.de, 1.7.2013, via: https://pop-zeitschrift.de/2013/07/01/gangnam-stylevon-stefan-wellgraf1-7-2013/, accessed on 9.3 .2021.
(4) Barack Obama: 'I Think I Can Do' Gangnam Style. The President says he's familiar with the dance craze sparked by K-pop star Psy, in: Rolling Stone, 6.11.2012, via: https: // www. rollingstone.com/music/music-news/barack-obama-i-think-i-can-do-gangnam-style-177952/
(5) Sangjoon Lee: A Decade of Hallyu Scholarship: Toward a New Direction in Hallyu 2.0, in: Sangjoon Lee, Abé Markus Nornes 2015, pp. 1-30, here p. 3.
(6) Jane Han: Americans Dance to ‘Gangnam Style’, in: Korea Times, August 12, 2012. Quoted from: Lee 2015, p. 3.
(7) See Lee 2015, p. 4.
(8) David Beavan: Despite the Record-Shattering Success of 'Gangnam Style,' the most Fascinating Pop Phenomenon of the Year Sputtered in Its Attempt to Dazzle the US, in: Spin Magazine, 12.12.2012, via: https: // www.spin.com/2012/12/k-pop-2012-life-after-psy/3/
(9) Cf. Wu-Suk Cho: Riding the Korean Wave from ‘Gangnam Style’ to Global Recognition, in: Global Asia 7 (3) 2012, pp. 35–39.
(10) Sun Jung: K-Pop Beyond Asia: Performing Trans-Nationality, Trans-Industriality, and Trans-Textuality, Conference paper, in: Korean Society for Journalism and Communication Studies 2011, p. 123. Quoted from Lee 2015 p. 5.
(11) See Hyunhee Cha and Seongmook Kim: A Case Study on Korean Wave: Focused on K-POP Concert by Korean Idol Group in Paris, June 2011, in: Proceedings of Springer Briefs in Computer Science 2011, pp. 153-162 .
(12) Kwang Woo Noh: A Study on the Transnational Circulation of K-Pop through YouTube: The Case of Girls' Generation's Online Fandom, Conference paper, in: Korean Society for Journalism and Communication Studies 2011. Quoted from Lee 2015, p. 5.
(13) Lee 2015, p. 5.
(14) Kim Bok-rae: Past, Present and Future of Hallyu (Korean Wave), in: American International Journal of Contemporary Research Vol. 5, No. 5; October 2015. pp. 154-160, here p. 157.
(15) JungBung Choi 2015, p. 43.
(16) For example, Lee mentions: Beng Huat Chua: Conceptualizing an East Asian Popular Culture, in: Inter-Asia Cultural Studies 5 (2) 2004, pp. 200-221 and Ders .: Structure of Identification and Distancing in Watching East Asian Television Drama, in: Beng Huat Chua and Koichi Iwabuchi (eds.): East Asian Pop Culture: Analyzing the Korean Wave. Hong Kong University Press: Hong Kong 2008, pp. 73-89; Hae-Joang Cho: Reading the "Korean Wave" as a Sign of Global Shift, in: Korea Journal 45 (4) 2005, pp. 147-182; Dong-Hoo Lee: Cultural Contact with Japanese TV Dramas: Modes of Reception and Narrative Transparency, in: Koichi Iwabuchi (ed.): Feeling Asian Modernities: Transnational Consumption of Japanese TV Dramas. Hong Kong University Press: Hong Kong 2004, pp. 251-274; Keehyeung Lee: Assessing and Situating the Korean Wave ’(Hallyu) through a Cultural Studies Lens, in: Asian Communication Research 9 2005, pp. 5–22; and much more.
(17) E.g. Chua and Iwabuchi 2008, which was one of the first English-language works on the subject.
(18) Daniel A. Black, Stephen Epstein, Alison Tokita (eds.): Complicated Currents: Media Flows, Soft Powers and East Asia. Monash University Publishing: Melbourne 2010.
(19) Lee 2015, p. 5.
(20) Garima Ganghariya and Rubal Kanozia: Profileration of Hallyu Wave and Korean Popular Culture across the World: A systematic Literatur Review from 2000-2009, in: Journal of Content, Community & Communication, Vol. 11 Year 6, June 2020, p 177-207.
(21) Lee 2015, p. 7.
(22) Cho 2005, p. 151.
(23) Ganghariya, Kanozia 2020, p. 178.
(24) See JungBong Choi 2015.
(25) Cf. Ganghariya, Kanozia 2020, p. 178.
(26) Cf. Joei Chan: Explained: The Unique Case of Korean Social Media, via: https://www.linkfluence.com/blog/the-unique-case-of-korean-social-media
(27) Cf. Chang Kyung-sup: Compressed Modernity and Its Discontents: South Korean Society in Transition, in: Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft, Volume 28, Number 1, 1999, pp. 30-55.
(28) Kim Bok-rae 2015, p. 156.
(29) Ibid. P. 157.
(30) Lee 2015, p. 8.
(31) Kim Bok-rae 2015, p. 154.
(32) Ibid. P. 155.
(34) Yoon-Whan Shin: Tong Asia ŭi Hallyu rŭl ponŭn nun: tamnon kwa silch'e ”(A View of the Korean Wave in East Asia: Discourses and Reality), in: Ders., Han-Woo Lee (ed. ): Tong Asia ŭi Hallyu (Korean Wave in East Asia). Chŏnyewŏn: Seoul 2006, pp. 221–61. Quoted from Lee 2015, p. 9.
(35) Korean Film Council 2007, quoted from Lee 2015, p. 9.
(36) KOFICE 2008, quoted from Lee 2015, p. 10.
(37) Young-Hwa Choi: The Korean Wave Policy as a Corporate-State Project of the Lee Government: The Analysis of Structures and Strategies Based on the Strategic-Relational Approach, in: Economy and Society 97 2013, pp. 252-285 , quoted from Lee 2015, p. 10.
(38) Cf. John Lie: What Is the K in K-Pop? South Korean Popular Music, the Culture Industry, and National Identity, in: Korea Observer 43 (3) 2012, pp. 339–363.
(39) See Choi 2013.
(40) JungBong Choi 2015, p. 45.
(41) E.g. in Hyangjin Lees: Contemporary Korean Cinema, Manchester University Press: Manchester 2001.
(42) Iwabuchi 2004, p. 2.
(44) Kim Bok-rae 2015, p. 159.
(45) Brian Hu: RIP Gangnam Style, in: Lee 2015, p. 235.
(47) Ibid. P. 238.
(48) Ibid. P. 236.
(49) Ibid. P. 237.
(51) Ibid. P. 238.
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